首页
登录
职称英语
Why Your Name MattersA) In 194
Why Your Name MattersA) In 194
游客
2024-01-20
29
管理
问题
Why Your Name Matters
A) In 1948, two professors at Harvard University published a study of thirty-three hundred men who had recently graduated, looking at whether their names had any bearing on their academic performance. The men with unusual names, the study found, were more likely to have flunked out (因不及格而退学) or to have exhibited symptoms of psychological neurosis than those with more common names. The Mikes were doing just fine, but the Berriens were having trouble. A rare name, the professors surmised (推测), had a negative psychological effect on its bearer.
B) Since then, researchers have continued to study the effects of names, and, in the decades after the 1948 study, these findings have been widely reproduced. Some recent research suggests that names can influence choice of profession, where we live, whom we marry, the grades we earn, the stocks we invest in, whether we’re accepted to a school or are hired for a particular job, and the quality of our work in a group setting. Our names can even determine whether we give money to disaster victims: if we share an initial with the name of a hurricane, according to one study, we are far more likely to donate to relief funds after it hits.
C) Much of the apparent influence of names on behavior has been attributed to what’s known as the implicit-egotism effect; we are generally drawn to the things and people that most resemble us. Because we value and identify with our own names and initials, we prefer things that have something in common with them.
D) That view, however, may not withstand closer scrutiny. The psychologist Uri Simonsohn has questioned many of the studies that claim to demonstrate the implicit-egotism effect, arguing that the findings are statistical flukes (侥幸) that arise from poor methodology. "It’s like a magician," Simonsohn told me. "He shows you a trick, and you say, ’I know it’s not real, but how did he pull it off?’ It’s all in the methodology." A problem that he cites in some of these studies is an ignorance of base rates—the over-all frequency with which something, like a name, occurs in the population at large. It may be appealing to think that someone named Dan would prefer to be a doctor, but we have to ask whether there are so many doctor Dans simply because Dan is a common name, well-represented in many professions. If that’s the case, the implicit-egotism effect is no longer valid.
E) There are also researchers who have been more measured in their assessments of the link between name and life outcome. In 1984, the psychologist Debra Crisp and her colleagues found that though more common names were better liked, they had no impact on a person’s educational achievement. In 2012, the psychologists Hui Bai and Kathleen Briggs concluded that "the name initial is at best a very limited unconscious prime, if any." While a person’s name may unconsciously influence his or her thinking, its effects on decision-making are limited. Follow-up studies have also questioned the link between names and longevity, career choice and success, geographic and marriage preferences, and academic achievement.
F) However, it may not be the case that name effects don’t exist; perhaps they just need to be reinterpreted. In 2004, the economists Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan created five thousand resumes in response to job ads posted in the classifieds in Chicago and Boston newspapers. Using Massachusetts birth certificates from between 1974 and 1979, Bertrand and Mullainathan determined which names appeared at a high frequency in one race but at a low frequency in another, creating groups of what they termed "white-sounding names" (like Emily Walsh and Greg Baker) and " black-sounding names" (like Lakisha Washington and Jamal Jones). They also created two types of candidates; a higher-quality group with more experience and a more complete profile, and a lower-quality group with some obvious gaps in employment or background. They sent two resumes from each qualification group to every employer, one with "black-sounding" name and the other with a "white-sounding" one (a total of four CVs per employer). They found that the "white-sounding" candidates received fifty percent more callbacks, and that the advantage a resume with a "white-sounding" name had over a resume with a "black-sounding" name was roughly equivalent to eight more years of work experience. An average of one of every ten "white" resumes received a callback, versus one of every fifteen "black" resumes. Names, in other words, send signals about who we are and where we come from.
G) The effects of name-signalling—what names say about ethnicity, religion, social sphere, and socioeconomic background—may begin long before someone enters the workforce. In a study of children in a Florida school district, conducted between 1994 and 2001, the economist David Figlio demonstrated that a child’s name influenced how he or she was treated by the teacher, and that differential treatment, in turn, translated to test scores. Figlio isolated the effects of the students’ names by comparing siblings—same background, different names. Children with names that were linked to low socioeconomic status or being black, as measured by the approach used by Bertrand and Mullainathan, were met with lower teacher expectations. Unsurprisingly, they then performed more poorly than their counterparts with non-black, higher-status names. Conversely, children with Asian-sounding names (also measured by birth-record frequency) were met with higher expectations, and were more frequently placed in gifted programs.
H) The economists Steven Levitt and Roland Fryer looked at trends in names given to black children in the United States from the 1970s to the early 1980s. They discovered that names which sounded more distinctively "black" became, over time, ever more reliable signals of socioeconomic status. That status, in turn, affected a child’s subsequent life outcome, which meant that it was possible to see a correlation between names and outcomes, suggesting a name effect similar to what was observed in the 1948 Harvard study. But when Levitt and Fryer controlled the child’s background, the name effect disappeared, strongly indicating that outcomes weren’t influenced by intrinsic qualities of the name itself. As Simonsohn notes, "Names tell us a lot about who you are. "
I) We see a name, implicitly associate different characteristics with it, and use that association, however unknowingly, to make unrelated judgments about the competence and suitability of its bearer. The relevant question may not be "What’s in a name?" but, rather, "What signals does my name send—and what does it imply?" [br] According to one study, a woman named Kate is more likely to donate to relief funds if a hurricane named Katrina hits.
选项
答案
B
解析
由题干中的relief funds和hurricane定位至B)段最后一句。细节推断题。B)段最后一句提到,如果我们的名字与飓风名字的首字母相同,我们更有可能捐款。题干中Kate和Katrina首字母相同,符合原文句意,因此答案是B)。
转载请注明原文地址:https://tihaiku.com/zcyy/3380020.html
相关试题推荐
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
WhyYourNameMattersA)In194
随机试题
【S1】[br]【S5】lively→live形容词词形误用题。原句要表达的是现场直播的世界杯,而不是“生动逼真的,或精力充沛的”世界杯,因此lively(
在水利水电工程中,常采用的混凝土振捣方式为( )。A.插入式 B.外部式
圬工拱桥一个桥跨范围内,正负挠度的最大绝对值之和不小于()。A:1/600
排出管有室外排水管连接处的检查井,井中心距建筑物外墙不小于( )m。A.2
静脉滴注20%甘露醇治疗高颅压时,尤其要注意A.心功能 B.肾功能 C.肝功
糖皮质激素可通过抑制下列哪种物质抑制白三烯的合成()A.血管紧张素转化酶
患者女性,38岁。宫颈中度糜烂,颗粒型,无盆腔及阴道炎症,宫颈刮片未见癌细胞。应
( )是员工为企业提供劳动而得到的各种货币与实物报酬的总和。A.薪酬 B.工
根据工程量清单计价规范的建筑安装工程造价组成,分部分项工程量清单的综合单价,是指
无权代理主要包括没有代理权、超越代理权或者代理权终止后的行为。对于无权代理,如果
最新回复
(
0
)