首页
登录
职称英语
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career dipl
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career dipl
游客
2025-01-18
15
管理
问题
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would probably soon overtake the United States as the world’s largest economy, he conceded, but the Middle Kingdom was unlikely to rival the United States anytime soon when it came to "soft power", or cultural influence and attractiveness.
Indeed, soft power is generally seen as a major asset in the foreign policy realm, helping countries achieve their goals without resorting to "hard power"—i.e.,
coercive
means. "Young people around the world," the diplomat confidently asserted, "still listen to American music, watch American movies and dream of coming to the United States."
Particularly in Latin America, that remains as true as ever, despite Donald Trump in the White House and a historic and irreversible shift of economic power away from the West towards Asia. The United States’ cultural influence and visibility stands unrivaled across Latin America. Chinese culture, by comparison, remains largely unknown and is usually met with indifference and a lack of interest. While some people are aware of China’s growing economic role in Latin America—it is already the largest trading partner of several of the region’s major economies, including Brazil, Chile and Peru—most would struggle to name a single Chinese contemporary singer, athlete or soap opera star. Latin America’s mass media busily reports even minor events in U.S. politics or cultural life, yet Chinese news remain the stuff of specialists.
Yet while U.S. soft power may provide some tangible economic benefits in Latin America—think of tourism to Disney World and New York, Netflix subscriptions and Starbucks sales—it has also shown to be a double-edged sword, particularly in the foreign policy realm. China’s
under-the-radar
approach in Latin America, by comparison, also brings important advantages, some of which may, paradoxically, be of greater strategic relevance in the long term. That is because, in a region traditionally concerned about U.S. meddling, strong cultural influence tends to inflate the perceived political and economic influence. While the United States’ de facto influence in Latin America has declined significantly over the past decade—partly due to China’s growing role in the region, but also because U.S. policymakers generally do not see the region as a priority—this change is barely reflected in the public debate, where the U.S. role remains outsized.
That often makes cooperating with the United States politically costly. When Brazil’s former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso reached, in 2000, a groundbreaking space cooperation deal with the United States, which would involve U.S. use of the Brazilian space agency’s launch site in Alcantara in Northern Brazil (its equatorial location allows reducing fuel costs of satellite launches by 30 percent), the opposition saw an opportunity to whip up anti-American nationalist sentiment by mischaracterizing the technology safeguards agreement (TSA) as a threat to Brazil’s sovereignty. Cardoso found himself accused of being an entreguista and canceled the project, which would have allowed Brazil to develop precious expertise in the area—increasingly important due to strong growth in the microsatellite sector crucial for GPS and internet communication. When the current government of Michel Temer took up the project recently, pressure again intensified, even though this time its successful conclusion is more likely. If the project partner had been China back then or today, it seems unlikely that the project would have faced as much political resistance.
This episode is starkly contrasted by how China can operate across Latin America and make strategic investments almost without any real concern for public opinion. When Chinese investors recently bought a third of Brazil’s electricity sector—a sector of tremendous strategic importance—the news barely made it to the front page of Brazilian newspapers. [br] The author’s attitude towards China’s economic success in Latin America is________.
选项
A、optimistic
B、neutral
C、indifferent
D、negative
答案
D
解析
态度题。最后两段作者对美国与中国在拉美地区的待遇做了对比,前者因其强大的文化影响力遭遇政治抵制,而后者因低调行事反而进展顺利。作为美国人,作者的字里行间反映出其心中的不忿,故正确答案为D。
转载请注明原文地址:https://tihaiku.com/zcyy/3918539.html
相关试题推荐
Inspiteofillhealthandaphysicaldisabilitythatthreatenedhercareer.Car
Priceshaverecentlyriseninorderto________theincreasedcostofrawmaterial
AtarecentdebateinWashingtonabouttheriseofChina,aU.S.careerdipl
AtarecentdebateinWashingtonabouttheriseofChina,aU.S.careerdipl
AtarecentdebateinWashingtonabouttheriseofChina,aU.S.careerdipl
AtarecentdebateinWashingtonabouttheriseofChina,aU.S.careerdipl
AtarecentdebateinWashingtonabouttheriseofChina,aU.S.careerdipl
WhenitrecentlyemergedthatGooglewashelpingthePentagonwiththeAIfora
Thenewlawrepresentsrecentandcurrentrequirementsfornewfoodadditivesan
下面你将听到一段有关应对未来经济挑战的讲话。[originaltext]Recentdatasuggestthatheadwindsc
随机试题
[originaltext]Anewstudyhasfoundevidenceofaggressivebehaviorinchil
知道“三角形任意两边长之和都大于第三边”,属于()知识。A.陈述性 B.条件
研究在群体环境下个体心理发生、发展及其变化规律的心理学分支学科是()。A.
共用题干 EvenIntelligentPeopleCanFail1
各种运输方式内外部的各个方面的构成和联系,就是( )。 A.运输系统
统计最基本的职能是()。A.信息职能 B.调查职能 C.咨询职能 D.决
可表现为肾病综合征的疾病是 A.Ⅱ型急进性肾炎B.局灶节段性肾小球硬化 C
(2020年真题)下列合同计价方式中,在工程施工中“量”与“价”方面的风险分配对
工程交接验收前,建设单位应检查工业管道工程施工的技术资料有( )。A.施工标准
A.心尖部双期杂音 B.主动脉2区双期杂音 C.肺动脉瓣区舒张期杂音 D.
最新回复
(
0
)