The role of and treatment of the housewife, which is really the major bone of

游客2023-12-17 24

问题 The role of and treatment of the housewife, which is really the major bone of contention in social security reform, has, of course, a major place in feminist thought. Betty Friedan’s book, The Feminine Mystique, which was influential in initiating the current wave of feminism in the United States, centered on the disadvantages to women of assuming the housewife’s role. All feminists believe that women should not be forced into assuming it, and that alternative choices should be available. Many feminists, such as the present writer, go further and believe that the disadvantages of the role of housewife are so great that it would be better if younger women were to avoid entering the role even temporarily and if the "option" to assume the role were to disappear.
There is a second strand of feminist thought concerning housewives, which derives from the solidarity which feminists feel with all women, housewives included. This solidarity expresses itself in a concern to alleviate injuries (physical and psychological as well as financial) inflicted on housewives by their husbands and by the institutions of society. This second strand is not logically contradictory to the first; it is possible to love the sinner (the housewife herself) while hating the sin (playing the role). Nevertheless, the two strands do tend to cut different ways in terms of policy. Moreover, individual, feminist thinkers differ in the emphasis they place on each.
These two strands of feminist thought inspire two kinds of complaints against the social security system -- that some housewives are treated too well and that some housewives are treated not well enough. The housewives who are treated too well are those married to retired men, who are enabled by the system to live at a higher standard than retired working wives whose family had comparable total covered earnings. The housewives who are treated not well enough are those whose dignity is scanted by treatment as a dependent, or those whose marriages end, and whose husbands retain all rights to social security (and private pensions) earned during the marriage.
The solidarity-with-housewives strand of feminist thought results in attitudes which emphasize the housewife’s productiveness and give dignity to the position of housewife. It results in policy suggestions which would have the effect of making the woman who becomes and remains a housewife safer, more comfortable, less subject to financial shipwreck, more able to hold up her head as a productive member of society. The most characteristic product of this line of thought is the suggestion that housewives be awarded social security credits for the homemaking work they do. Some credit schemes would require the household to pay taxes in return for the credit; others would not. One merit of homemaker credits in the eyes of the solidarity-with-housewives advocates is that it makes housework and "paid work’ more alike, thereby raising the status of housework psychologically and financially. A second merit, of course, is that in the case of divorce the homemaker would keep her credits, and thus would be more financially independent that is the case now. [br] The second concern seems to be contradictory to the first one in that it argues

选项 A、that women should assume their proper roles as housewives
B、that women should commit no sin against their husbands and the society
C、from the premise that women are the weaker sex to be protected
D、that government policies should be made favorable to women’s liberation

答案 C

解析该题问：第二种想法似乎与第一种想法相矛盾，体现在哪里？C选项意为“从妇女是要被保护的弱者这个前提”。根据第二段，在谈论家庭妇女地位的问题时还有第二种思路，这种思路来自于女权主义者对自己与妇女——包括家庭妇女之间的一致相关(solidarity)的感受。这种休戚相关性使她们关注如何去除丈夫和社会体制给妇女造成的伤害——无论是身体上的还是心理上的。可见，这里将家庭妇女当作了需要保护的弱者。这种思路似乎与第一种有矛盾，因为第一种主张妇女根本不要去担当家庭妇女的角色。但作者认为二者并不矛盾，因为人们可以痛恨犯罪(这里比喻担当家庭妇女这个角色)，但却同时爱护犯罪的人(这里比喻家庭妇女本人)。言外之意，犯罪者也许是出于无奈或无知而犯罪，如果是这样，人们在痛恨犯罪者所犯下的罪的同时，也可怜或同情犯罪者。

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