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  3. Two divergent definitions have dominated sociologists’ discussions of the na

Two divergent definitions have dominated sociologists’ discussions of the na

游客2025-02-26  8
问题     Two divergent definitions have dominated sociologists’ discussions of the nature of ethnicity. The first emphasizes the primordial and unchanging character of ethnicity. In this view, people have an essential need for belonging that is satisfied by membership in groups based on shared ancestry and culture. A different conception of ethnicity de-emphasizes the cultural component and defines ethnic groups as interest groups. In this view, ethnicity serves as a way of mobilizing a certain population behind issues relating to its economic position. While both of these definitions are useful, neither fully captures the dynamic and changing aspects of ethnicity in the United States. Rather, ethnicity is more satisfactorily conceived of as a process in which preexisting communal bonds and common cultural attributes are adapted for instrumental purposes according to changing real-life situations.
    One example of this process is the rise of participation by Native American people in the broader United States political system since the Civil Rights movement of the 1960’s. Besides lead- ing Native Americans to participate more actively in politics(the number of Native American legislative officeholders more than doubled), this movement also evoked increased interest in tribal his- tory and traditional culture. Cultural and instrumental components of ethnicity are not mutually exclusive, but rather reinforce one another.
    The Civil Rights movement also brought changes in the uses to which ethnicity was put by Mexican American people. In the 1960’s, Mexican Americans formed community-based political groups that emphasized ancestral her- itage as a way of mobilizing constituents. Such emerging issues as immigration and voting rights gave Mexican American advocacy groups the means by which to promote ethnic soli- darity. Like European ethnic groups in the nineteenth-century United States, late-twentieth-century Mexican American leaders combined ethnic with contemporary civic symbols. In 1968 Henry Censors, then mayor of San Antonio, Texas, cited Mexican leader Benito Juarez as a model for Mexican Americans in their fight for contemporary civil rights. And every year, Mexican Amer- icans celebrate Cinco de Mayo as fervently as many Irish American people embrace St. Patrick’ s Day(both are major holidays in the countries of origin), with both holidays having been reinvented in the context of the United States and linked to ideals, symbols, and heroes of the United States. [br] The passage suggests that in 1968 Henry Cisneros most likely believed that
选项 A、many Mexican American would respond positively to the example of Benito Juarez.
B、many Mexican American were insufficiently educated in Mexican history.
C、the fight for civil fights in the United States had many strong parallels in both Mexican and Irish history.
D、the quickest way of organizing community-based groups was to emulate the tactics of Benito Juarez.
E、Mexican Americans should emulate the strategies of Native American political leaders.
答案 A
解析 文中暗示，1968年，Henry Cisneros可能相信什么?A．正确。许多墨裔会对Benito Juarez的例子做出积极反应。见原文L55～59。该人推行民权运动时将Benito Juarez树为榜样，因此本选项一定可以推出。B．“insufficiently educated”无。C．“strong parallels in both Mexican and Irish history”无。D．组织社区集合最快的方式是赶上Benito Juarez的策略水平。荒谬。E．墨裔应赶上美国政治领袖的水平。无。
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