首页
登录
职称英语
Lincoln expected that America would become a nation doubtful about its heroe
Lincoln expected that America would become a nation doubtful about its heroe
游客
2025-01-11
25
管理
问题
Lincoln expected that America would become a nation doubtful about its heroes and its history. In his astonishing address to the Young Men’s Lyceum of Springfield, Ill., on Jan. 27,1838, on "the perpetuation of our political institutions", the 28-year-old Lincoln foresaw the inevitable rise in a modern democracy like ours of skepticism and worldliness. Indeed, he worried about the fate of free institutions in a maturing nation no longer shaped by a youthful, instinctive and (mostly) healthy patriotism.
Such a patriotism is natural in the early years after a revolutionary struggle for independence. To the generation that experienced the Revolution and the children of that generation, Lincoln explained, the events of the Revolution remained "living history", and those Americans retained an emotional attachment to the political institutions that had been created. But the living memories of the Revolution and the founding could no longer be counted on. Those memories "were a fortress of strength; but what invading foemen could never do, the silent artillery of time has done; the leveling of its walls". So, Lincoln concluded, the once mighty "pillars of the temple of liberty" that supported our political institutions were gone.
Lincoln implored his fellow citizens in 1838 to replace those old pillars with new ones constructed by "reason, cold, calculating, unimpassioned reason". He knew that such a recommendation—such a hope—was problematic. In politics, cold, calculating reason has its limits. In the event, it was Lincoln’s foreboding of trouble, not his hope for renewal, that turned out to be correct. The nation held together for only one more generation. Twenty-three years after Lincoln’s speech, the South seceded, and civil war came.
Lincoln managed, of course, in a supreme act of leadership, to win that war, preserve the union and end slavery. He was also able to interpret that war as producing a "new birth of freedom," explaining its extraordinary sacrifices in a way that provided a renewed basis for attachment to a nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Perhaps the compromises made by the founding generation with the institution of slavery would have proved fatal in any case. Still, the fact is that the US was unable to perpetuate its political institutions peacefully after those who had lived through the Revolution died and even secondhand memories of America’s founding faded.
Now we find ourselves in a situation oddly similar to the one Lincoln faced in 1838. Lincoln delivered his Lyceum Address 62 years after the Declaration of Independence. We are now the same time span from the end of World War II. Our victory in that war—followed by our willingness to quickly assume another set of burdens in the defense of freedom against another great tyranny—marked the beginning of the US’s role as leader of the free world. Through all the ups and downs of the cold war and through the 1990s and this decade, the memories of World War II have sustained the US, as it did its duty in helping resist tyranny and expand the frontiers of freedom in the world.
The generation of World War II is mostly gone. The generation that directly heard tell of World War II from its parents is moving on. We have exhausted, so to speak, the moral capital of that war. Now we face challenges almost as daunting as those confronting the nation when Lincoln spoke. The perpetuation of freedom in the world is no more certain today than was the perpetuation of our free institutions then. Of course, we have the example of Lincoln to guide us. And Ferguson’s wry and sardonic account of the ways we remember him is heartening and even inspiring, almost despite itself or despite ourselves. But the failures of leadership of the 1840s and 1850s should also chasten us. Nations don’t always rise to the occasion. And the next generation can pay a great price when the preceding one shirks its responsibilities. [br] Why does the author mention the American civil war in the passage?
选项
答案
The author mentions the Americans civil war is to show that as old generation died, history will be forgotten, political institutions will face big challenges in the future, the nation may not continue to hold together as the founding generation is gone.
解析
转载请注明原文地址:https://tihaiku.com/zcyy/3908840.html
相关试题推荐
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
GeorgeBushwaswidelyquotedoninternational【B1】______buthadratherless
随机试题
Thecloudsaregathering.We’dbetterhurryand_____thedepartmentstoreincas
软件配置必须满足的质量要求是()A、有效性、可控性、实时性 B、实时性、可见
下列各医疗区的细菌学指标是( ) 空气(cfu/㎡) 物体表面(c
活动课程,又称为“经验课程”“生活课程”,其主导价值在于( )。A.培养和发展
新课程提出的三维教学目标是指( )。A.知识技能目标、过程方法目标、情感态度价
投资后管理的有效实施,以充分获取()为前提。A.被投资企业的信息 B.投资企业
截至2018年底,中国人工智能市场规模约为238.2亿元,同比增长率达到56.6
以下方剂主治痰热结胸证的是A.贝母瓜蒌散 B.清气化痰丸 C.小陷胸汤
具体行政行为的内容一般包括( )。A.行政监督行为 B.行政立法行为 C.
(2021年真题)社会工作教育性督导可以缓解被督导者的工作压力,下列督导者的做法
最新回复
(
0
)