首页
登录
职称英语
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career dipl
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career dipl
游客
2023-12-25
32
管理
问题
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would probably soon overtake the United States as the world’s largest economy, he conceded, but the Middle Kingdom was unlikely to rival the United States anytime soon when it came to "soft power", or cultural influence and attractiveness.
Indeed, soft power is generally seen as a major asset in the foreign policy realm, helping countries achieve their goals without resorting to "hard power"—i.e.,
coercive
means. "Young people around the world," the diplomat confidently asserted, "still listen to American music, watch American movies and dream of coming to the United States."
Particularly in Latin America, that remains as true as ever, despite Donald Trump in the White House and a historic and irreversible shift of economic power away from the West towards Asia. The United States’ cultural influence and visibility stands unrivaled across Latin America. Chinese culture, by comparison, remains largely unknown and is usually met with indifference and a lack of interest. While some people are aware of China’s growing economic role in Latin America—it is already the largest trading partner of several of the region’s major economies, including Brazil, Chile and Peru—most would struggle to name a single Chinese contemporary singer, athlete or soap opera star. Latin America’s mass media busily reports even minor events in U.S. politics or cultural life, yet Chinese news remain the stuff of specialists.
Yet while U.S. soft power may provide some tangible economic benefits in Latin America—think of tourism to Disney World and New York, Netflix subscriptions and Starbucks sales—it has also shown to be a double-edged sword, particularly in the foreign policy realm. China’s
under-the-radar
approach in Latin America, by comparison, also brings important advantages, some of which may, paradoxically, be of greater strategic relevance in the long term. That is because, in a region traditionally concerned about U.S. meddling, strong cultural influence tends to inflate the perceived political and economic influence. While the United States’ de facto influence in Latin America has declined significantly over the past decade—partly due to China’s growing role in the region, but also because U.S. policymakers generally do not see the region as a priority—this change is barely reflected in the public debate, where the U.S. role remains outsized.
That often makes cooperating with the United States politically costly. When Brazil’s former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso reached, in 2000, a groundbreaking space cooperation deal with the United States, which would involve U.S. use of the Brazilian space agency’s launch site in Alcantara in Northern Brazil (its equatorial location allows reducing fuel costs of satellite launches by 30 percent), the opposition saw an opportunity to whip up anti-American nationalist sentiment by mischaracterizing the technology safeguards agreement (TSA) as a threat to Brazil’s sovereignty. Cardoso found himself accused of being an entreguista and canceled the project, which would have allowed Brazil to develop precious expertise in the area—increasingly important due to strong growth in the microsatellite sector crucial for GPS and internet communication. When the current government of Michel Temer took up the project recently, pressure again intensified, even though this time its successful conclusion is more likely. If the project partner had been China back then or today, it seems unlikely that the project would have faced as much political resistance.
This episode is starkly contrasted by how China can operate across Latin America and make strategic investments almost without any real concern for public opinion. When Chinese investors recently bought a third of Brazil’s electricity sector—a sector of tremendous strategic importance—the news barely made it to the front page of Brazilian newspapers. [br] Which of the following statements is NOT true of U.S. soft power in Latin America?
选项
A、It is unrivaled by any other country.
B、It contributes to low economic benefits for the U.S..
C、It remains the same as before.
D、It is more influential than Chinese soft power in the same region.
答案
B
解析
推断题。根据选项定位第1一4段,仔细甄别后可知,B与原文(带来一些切实的经济利益)不符,故为正确答案。
转载请注明原文地址:https://tihaiku.com/zcyy/3303974.html
相关试题推荐
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmu
随机试题
Cultureisactivityofthought,andreceptivenesstobeautyandhumanefeeli
DothefollowingstatementsagreewiththeinformationgiveninReadingPassage
组织上的独立性只有当首席审计执行官在职能上向董事会报告的情况下才能够有效实现。职
含挥发油类药材,水制时应() A漂洗 B淋洗 C抢水洗 D少泡多润
在房地产区位状况描述中,说明有无停车场、车位数量、到停车场的距离等描述,属于(
目前,我国银行开办的外币存款业务的币种有( )。A.新加坡元 B.英镑 C
下列关于公开招标与邀请招标的说法中,不正确的是()。A:公开招标以发布公告的方式
投资项目决策分析与评价的基本要求包括贯彻落实科学发展观、资料数据准确可靠和()
(2018年真题) 【背景资料】 某写字楼工程,建筑面积8640m2,建筑
下列常用光源中平均使用寿命最长的是()A.白炽灯 B.碘钨灯 C.氙灯 D
最新回复
(
0
)