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  3. Not since Harry Truman seized America’s steel mills in 1952 rather than allo

Not since Harry Truman seized America’s steel mills in 1952 rather than allo

游客2023-12-02  21
问题     Not since Harry Truman seized America’s steel mills in 1952 rather than allow a strike to imperil the conduct of the Korean War has Washington toyed with nationalization, or its functional equivalent, on this kind of scale. Mr. Obama may be thinking what Mr. Truman told his staff; "The President has the power to keep the country from going to hell." (The Supreme Court thought differently and forced Mr. Truman to relinquish control.)
    The fact that there is so little protest in the air now—certainly less than Mr. Truman heard— reflects the desperation of the moment. But it is a strategy fraught with risks.
The first, of course, is the one the President-elect himself highlighted. Government’s record as a corporate manager is miserable, which is why the world has been on a three-decade-long privatization kick, turning national railroads, national airlines and national defense industries into private companies.
    The second risk is that if the effort fails, and the American car companies collapse or are auctioned off in pieces to foreign competitors, taxpayers may lose the billions about to be spent.
    And the third risk—one barely discussed so far—is that in trying to save the nation’s carmakers, the United States is violating at least the spirit of what it has preached around the world for two decades. The United States has demanded that nations treat American companies on their soil the same way they treat their home-grown industries, a concept called "national treatment."
    Yet so far, there is no talk of offering aid to Toyota, Honda, BMW or the other foreign automakers that have built factories on American soil, employed American workers and managed to make a profit doing so.
    "If Japan was doing this, we’d be threatening billions of dollars in retaliation," said Jeffrey Garten, a professor at the Yale School of Management, who as under secretary of commerce in the 1990s was one of many government officials who tried in vain to get Detroit prepared for a world of international competition. "In fact, when they did something a lot more subtle, we threatened exactly that," referring to calls for import restrictions.
    It is hard to measure just what kind of chances Mr. Obama may be taking with this plan, in part because so many parts of it are still in motion.
    In the short term, Democrats are floating the idea of linking $15 billion in immediate loans to the designation of a "car czar" who, in doling out the money, could require or veto big transactions or investments—essentially a one-man board of directors. The White House indicates that President Bush, who has spent his entire presidency proclaiming that the government’s role is to create an environment that spurs free enterprise and minimizes government regulation, would very likely sign the rescue plan.
    The first $15 billion and the car czar who oversees it, however, are only the beginning. "After that, we’re in uncharted water," said Malcolm S. Salter, a professor emeritus at Harvard Business School who has studied the auto industry for two decades and, until a few years ago, was an adviser to General Motors and Ford. "Think about this: Who in the federal government would have the tremendous insight needed to fix this industry?"
    Depending on how the longer-term revamping of the industry proceeds, Washington could become a major shareholder in the Big Three, it could provide loans, or, in one course that Mr. Obama seemed to hint at on Sunday, it could organize what amounts to a "structured bankruptcy. " In that case, the government would convene the creditors, the unions, the shareholders and the company’s management, and apportion a share of the hit to each of them. If that "consensus building" sounds a lot like the role of the Japanese Ministry of International Trade and Industry in the 1970s and the 1980s, well, it is.
    To promote the Japanese car industry on the way up, the trade ministry nudged companies toward consolidation, and even tried to mandate which parts of the market each could go into. (Soichiro Honda, the founder of the company, rebelled when bureaucrats told him he was supposed to limit himself to making motorcycles. ) By the 1980s, Congress was denouncing this as "industrial policy," and arguing that it put American makers at a competitive disadvantage—and polluted free enterprise.
    Now, it is Congress doing exactly that, but this time as emergency surgery. Other nations will doubtless complain, or begin doing the same for their own companies. "We’re at this moment in history, in which the Chinese are touting that their system is better than ours" with their mix of capitalism and state control, said Mr. Garten, who has long experience in Asia. "And our response, it looks like, is to begin replicating what they’ve been doing." [br] Which of the following is NOT the risk of nationalization this time?
选项 A、Government, more often than not, is inadequate in running business.
B、Taxpayers’ money would be lost if the nationalization of the car companies fails.
C、When saving the nation’s car companies, America is reducing their competitiveness.
D、America is eating its word that each country should treat all companies within its territory equally.
答案 C
解析 细节题。原文提到三个危险因素：第一是第三段第二句提到的“政府充当企业管理者角色的时候记录惨淡”；第二是第四段提到的“万一国有化后仍不能扭转颓势而最终使得汽车巨头被国外竞争者买下，那么纳税人将损失数以十亿计的钱”；第三是第五段最后一句提到的“美国仅仅拯救境内的美国汽车业的做法显然违背了它一直在世界上倡导的‘公平原则’——即公平对待本土企业和境内的国外企业”，这三个因素分别对应[A]、[B]、[D]三个选项，只有[C]是文中没有提到的，故为答案。
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