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  3. More than any other country, America defines itself by a collective dream: t

More than any other country, America defines itself by a collective dream: t

游客2024-12-28  20
问题     More than any other country, America defines itself by a collective dream: the dream of economic opportunity and upward mobility. Its proudest boast is that it offers a chance of the good life to everybody who is willing to work hard and play by the rules. This ideal has made the United States the world’s strongest magnet for immigrants; it has also reconciled ordinary Americans to the rough side of a dynamic economy, with all its inequalities and insecurities. Who cares if the boss earns 300 times more than the average working staff, if the staff knows be can become the boss?
    Look around the world and the supremacy of "the American model" might seem assured. No other rich country has so successfully harnessed the modern juggernauts of technology and globalization The hallmarks of American capitalism—a willingness to take risks, a light regulatory touch and sharp competition—have spawned enormous wealth. "This economy is powerful,  productive and prosperous," George Bush once boasted, and by many yardsticks he was right. Growth was fast, unemployment was low and profits were fat. It was hardly surprising that so many other governments were trying to "Americanize" their economies—whether through the European Union’s Lisbon Agenda or Japan’s reforms.
    Yet many people feel unhappy about the American model—not least in the United States. Only one in four Americans believes the economy is in good shape. While firms’ profits have soared, wages for the typical worker have barely budged. The middle class—admittedly a vague term in America—feels squeezed. A college degree is no longer a passport to ever-higher pay. Now politicians are playing on these fears. Populists complain about Mr. Osama’s plutocratic friends exporting jobs abroad; nativists howl about immigrants wrecking the system.
    The debate about the American model echoes far beyond the nation’s shores. Europeans have long held that America does not look after its poor—a prejudice reinforced by the ghastly scenes after Hurricane Katrina. The sharp decline in America’s image abroad has much to do with foreign policy, but Americanization has also become synonymous with globalization, Across the rich world, global competition is forcing economies to become more flexible, often increasing inequality; Japan is one example. The logic of many non-Americans is that if globalization makes their economy more like America’s, and the American model is defective, then free trade and open markets must be bad.
    This debate mixes up three arguments—about inequality, meritocracy and immigration. The word that America should worry about most is the one you hear least—meritocracy.
    Begin with inequality. The flip-side of America’s economic dynamism is that it has become more unequal—but in a more complex way than first appears. America’s rich have been pulling away from the rest of the population, as the returns for talent and capital in a global market have increased. Even if American business stopped at the water’s edge, Bill Gates and the partners of Goldman Sachs would still be wealthy people; but since software and investment banking are global industries, Mr. Gates is worth $ 50 billion and the average pay-and-benefits package for Goldman’s 22,400 employees is above $ 500,000.
    On the other hand, the current wave of globalization may not be widening the gap between the poor and the rest. Indeed, the headwinds of the global economy are being felt less by Americans at the bottom than by those in the middle. The jobs threatened by outsourcing—data-processing, accounting and so on—are white-collar jobs; the jobs done by the poor—cleaning and table-waiting, for example—could never be done from Bangalore.
    Those at the bottom have different fears, immigration high among them. Their jobs cannot be exported to rival countries perhaps, but rival workers can and are being imported to America. Yet there is surprisingly little evidence that the arrival of low-skilled workers has pulled poor Americans’ wages down. And it has certainly provided a far better life for new arrivals than the one they left behind. [br] Which of the following statements is NOT TRUE?
选项 A、Some countries begin to doubt about globalization.
B、Politicians take advantage of people’s emotion in the USA.
C、The poor are not taken good care of by American government.
D、Many Americans don’t like the American model of economy.
答案 C
解析 细节题。第四段第二句指出“Europeans have long held that America does not look after its poor—a prejudice reinforced by the ghastly scenes after Hurricane Katrina．”，句中的prejudice表明这是欧洲国家的偏见，并非事实，[C]与该处语义相悖，故为答案。第四段末句指出“The logic of many non-Americans is that if globalization makes their economy more like America’s，and the American model is defective，then free trade and open markets must be bad．”，由此可知，许多非美国人认为全球化存在问题，[A]符合文意；第三段最后两句指出“Now politicians are paying on these fears．Populists complain about Mr. Obama’s plutocratic friends exporting jobs abroad；naturists howl about immigrants wrecking the system．”，句中play on意为“利用”，[B]是对该处内容的解释；第三段前两句为“Yet many people feel unhappy about the American model—not least in the United States．Only one in four Americans believes the economy is in good shape．”，[D]符合文意。
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